2 caras de la misma moneda | nisman, lagomarsino, Uzi Shaya, iliana dayan, fondos buitre elliott, paul singer & Uvda (israel TV programme)

interviewing uzi shaya

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Un exespía del Mossad que vivió en Buenos Aires asegura haberle entregado documentos con pruebas al fiscal Alberto Nisman, quien había denunciado a Cristina Fernández, e iba a presentar detalles de su investigación ante el congreso, un día después de aparecer muerto en 2015.

Momento emitido en Noticiero Doce el 12 de junio del 2020.

Un ex espía del Mossad aseguró haberle entregado un sobre al fiscal Alberto Nisman con detalles sobre presuntas transferencias desde Irán por millones de euros a cuentas en paraísos fiscales que, según el ex espía, habrían pertenecido a Cristina​ y Máximo Kirchner.

Nisman habría recibido el material en España, 10 días antes de que apareciera con un tiro en la cabeza dentro de su departamento de Puerto Madero.

Esto ocurrió en el programa de televisión israelí Uvdá (“Hecho”, en español), reconocido por sus investigaciones periodísticas.

El análisis del periodista Claudio Fantini

 

9 deadly things about alberto nisman | history, international news, argentina

9 Things We Know for Sure About Argentine Prosecutor Nisman’s Death

Last week, Alberto Nisman, who accused Argentina’s president of a cover-up in the probe of Iran over the 1994 deadly Jewish center blast, was found dead in his apartment hours before testifying to Congress on the accusations.

Haaretz.com

People hold placards that read “Justice” during a rally in front of the headquarters of Argentine Israelite Mutual Association in Buenos Aires to protest the death of Alberto Nisman, Jan. 21, 2015.Credit: AFP
Alona Ferber
Alona Ferber  Published on 26.01.2015

One week ago, Alberto Nisman, the Argentine prosecutor who accused President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner and other officials of white-washing Iran’s role in the devastating 1994 bombing of a Jewish center in Buenos Aires, was found lying in a pool of blood in his apartment. Seven days later, we still don’t know for sure what led to his death. Here are nine things we do know:

1. Nisman died from a single shot to the head

The fifty-one year-old Nisman was found in his bathroom, a 22-calibre handgun and single shell casing by his side. It was his mother and one of his bodyguards who found his body. Nisman’s bodyguards had called his mother, Sara Garfunkel, because Nisman wasn’t answering his phone.

Nisman died from a gunshot wound to his right temple, fired at close range from the gun found by his body. There were no traces of gunpowder on his hands, but Viviane Fein, the investigating prosecutor looking into the case, told local media that this was unsurprising given the small calibre gun. The autopsy found no signs of a struggle on the body, and Fein told the press that the shot that killed him was fired from a distance of no more than a centimeter away. A new autopsy report has since been published stating that he was shot from a distance of at least 15 centimeters.

Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman speaks during a meeting with journalists at his office in Buenos Aires in this May 29, 2013 file photo. (Reuters/File)

2. The gun was loaned to Nisman 

The gun was loaned to Nisman by Diego Lagomarsino, thought to be the last person to have seen him alive. Lagomarsino, an IT technician, is thought to have worked for Nisman. He went to Fein just hours after the death was reported, and told her he lent Nisman the gun the day before his death for his protection. Lagomarsino is now under police protection and has been banned from leaving the country following a request from Fein. The English-language Herald in Buenos Aires reports that Attorney General’s Office sources say Fein suspects that Lagomarsino is in fact an intelligence agent.

3. Nisman was investigating the deadly 1994 Jewish center blast

The attack on the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina, which claimed 85 lives and wounded over 300 people, leveling the seven-story building, was the worst terrorist act in Argentinian history. It was also the deadliest single attack against a Jewish community since World War II. It came two years after the March 17, 1992 blast at Israel’s embassy in Buenos Aires, in which 29 were killed and 242 wounded.

Firefighters and rescue workers search through the rubble of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association community center, after a car bomb rocked the building in Buenos Aires, July 18, 1994 (AP/File)

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Nisman’s death came only days after he accused President Fernandez de Kirchner, Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman, and other officials, of covering up Iran’s role in the blast, and just hours before he was to testify before a congressional committee about the explosive allegations.

Nisman was first assigned to the case in 2004 by former President Nestor Kirschner, the late husband of the incumbent. His appointment came after a botched investigation into the attack. Juan Jose Galeano, the judge leading that probe and ex-President Carlos Menem are set to go on trial later this year over accusations of covering up evidence and bribing witnesses.

In 2006, Nisman formally accused Iran and Hezbollah of responsibility, and claimed that the attack followed Argentina suspending a contract for transferring nuclear energy to Tehran. In 2007, Argentina secured Interpol arrest warrants for five Iranians and one Lebanese national over the incident. Among these was Mohsen Rabbani, who had been Iran’s cultural attache in Argentina at the time of the bombing. Although no one was brought to justice, it was widely believed in Western intelligence circles that Iran planned the bombing and Hezbollah carried it out. Iran has repeatedly denied links to the attack.

In 2013, Iran and Argentina signed a Memorandum of Understanding that would set up a truth commission to investigate the 1994 attack. This was slammed by some, and seen as a positive step by others. The MOU was not implemented, however, as its constitutionality was challenged in court.

4. Nisman accused the president of covering up Iran’s role in the attack

Last Wednesday, Nisman presented his 300-page criminal complaint, with evidence from wiretaps and other intelligence. In it, he accused de Kirchner, Timerman and other officials of conspiring to clear Iran of the charges in exchange for Iranian oil to make up for Argentina’s $7 billion per year energy deficit. On a TV interview that day, he said the president was working through a Buenos Aires middleman and conducting “impunity for oil” negotiations with Rabbani in Iran.

Nisman, of course, knew the gravity of these accusations. He told one reporter – twice – some days before he died that “I could end up dead from this,” He told another reporter that he had prepared his 15-year-old daughter for hearing nasty things said about him when the time came for him to testify in Congress.

Argentine judicial officials made his complaint public after his death.

5. President Fernandez de Kirchner said it was suicide – and then said it wasn’t

Very quickly after Nisman’s death, even before his autopsy was completed, Argentinian officials were pushing the idea that he had taken his own life. On Tuesday last week, two days after he was found dead, the president published a long statement on her website in which she discussed his apparent suicide. On Thursday, however, in another lengthy statement available on her website in Spanish and in English, she stunned Argentinians by writing about “The suicide that (I am convinced) was no suicide.”

In that statement, she included a series of Whatsapp messages that Nisman, who cut short a trip to Paris with his daughter because of the case, had sent to friends and family as proof that he didn’t kill himself. “Why would Prosecutor Nisman write a message in a chat like the one he wrote to explain to a group of close friends the reason for his sudden return from Paris, and then commit suicide?,” she asked.

6. Authorities claim rogue intelligence agents are behind the death

Less than 24 hours after Nisman’s body was found, on Monday night, Fernandez de Kirchner said Nisman’s allegations against her were false. In her statement on Thursday, she repeated this claim, saying he was given false information, without specifying who had fed him the idea that he had “the accusation of the century.”

According to the government, his death and the allegations in his complaint were related to internal politics in Argentina’s intelligence service, and intelligence agents who were recently fired, as Reuters has reported. The president’s chief of staff, Anibal Fernandez, said on Friday that, “When he was alive they needed him to present the charges against the president. Then, undoubtedly, it was useful to have him dead.”

In fact, the authorities claim that these rogue agents may have even been involved in writing parts of his report. Despite the accusations, no arrests have been made.

Argentina’s President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (R) and Foreign Minister Hector Timerman, at the annual summit of the Mercosur trade bloc in Mendoza, June 29, 2012 (Reuters/File)

7. Those close to Nisman don’t think it was suicide, either

They may not buy the official version of events, but those close to him say there were no indications he was contemplating suicide. The deceased prosecutor did not leave a suicide note, and friends say he was in good spirits ahead of his scheduled Congress appearance. His ex-wife, Sandra Arroyo, told journalists she didn’t think it was suicide, as did his mother.

8. The journalist who broke the story of his death has fled Argentina out of fear for his safety

Damian Pachter, whose tweet on January 19 broke the story of Nisman’s death, left the country Saturday out of concern for his safety, arriving in Israel on Sunday.

“I’m leaving because my life is in danger. My phones are tapped,” Pachter, a reporter for the English-language Herald newspaper in Argentina’s capital, told the Infobae website.

Arriving in Israel, where he is a citizen, Pachter on Sunday published an account in Haaretz of why he fled the country. In it he describes being followed by an undercover intelligence agent and saying goodbye to his mom in what were “the craziest 48 hours of his life.”

Encontraron al fiscal Alberto Nisman en el baño de su casa de Puerto Madero sobre un charco de sangre. No respiraba. Los médicos están allí.

9. Most Argentinians believe Nisman was murdered

A poll conducted on Wednesday found that 70 percent of Argentinians believe that Nisman was murdered. It doesn’t look like they buy Fernandez’s version of events, either: 82 percent believe his allegations against the government, the poll says.

Infographic by Haaretz

the prosecutor, the president, the spy & the journalist who was stalked and intimidated | damian pachter

Why I Fled Argentina After Breaking the Story of Alberto Nisman’s Death

In an exclusive column, Jewish journalist Damian Pachter – who first reported on the death of the special prosecutor – recounts the intimidation, the sleepless nights, the agent who stalked him and his ultimate decision to head for Israel.

Argentine journalist Damian Pachter after arriving in Tel Aviv on January 25, 2015.Credit: Ilan Assayag

Haaretz.com   Damian Pachter  Published on 25.01.2015

So here they are, the craziest 48 hours of my life.

When my source gave me the scoop on Alberto Nisman’s death, I was writing a piece on the special prosecutor’s accusations against President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, her (Jewish) Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman, two pro-Iran “social activists” and parliamentarian Andrés Larroque. I learned that Nisman had been shot dead in his home.

The vetting process wasn’t too tough because of my source’s incredible attention to detail. His name will never be revealed.

Two things stood in my mind: my source’s safety and people’s right to know what happened that day, though not necessarily in that order.

Of course, for both speed and the contagion effect, Twitter was the way to go. The information was so solid I never doubted my source, despite my one or two colleagues who doubted me because I only had 420 Twitter followers — a number now eclipsing 10,000.

As the night went on, journalists contacted me in order to get the news from me even more directly. The first to do so was Gabriel Bracesco.

Once I tweeted that Nisman had died, hundreds of people quickly retweeted the news and started following me. That was my first of many sleepless days.

“You just broke the best story in decades,” lots of people said. “You’re crazy,” was another take. Either way, nobody questioned that the situation was very grave.

The following days were marked by a government trying to create an official story. First, the head of state suggested a “suicide hypothesis,” then a mysterious murder. They of course were not to blame. In anything.

Encontraron al fiscal Alberto Nisman en el baño de su casa de Puerto Madero sobre un charco de sangre. No respiraba. Los médicos están allí.

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That week I received several messages from one of my oldest and best sources. He urged me to visit him, but in those crazy days I underestimated his proposal.

On Friday I was working at the Buenos Aires Herald.com newsroom when a colleague from the BBC urged me to look at the state news agency’s story on Nisman’s death. The piece had some serious typos but the message was even stranger: The agency quoted a supposed tweet of mine that I never wrote.

Bus to nowhere

I cursed in anger, adding amid the profanity: “I’ll tweet this and then they’ll see.” But I waited a few minutes to cool down and realized that this tweet was a kind of coded message.

So I bounced it off my friend, who said: “Get out now and go to Retiro,” Buenos Aires’ central bus station. “And come visit me. You have to leave the city.” It was around 8:30 P.M.

I was very lucky: When I arrived a bus would be leaving in two minutes. Where that bus was going I’ll never reveal either.

After several hours on the road, I arrived at the bus station, where I remained for a couple of hours. It turns out this was a big mistake: I think that was the place someone started watching me. But I didn’t realize it back then.

I didn’t want to stay too long in any one place, so I walked over to a gas-station joint nearby. My friend contacted me and said: “I’ll be there in 20 minutes.”

I was sitting around there for two hours or so when a very strange person came in. He wore jeans, a jeans jacket and Ray-Ban sunglasses. I noticed him immediately but stayed where I was. He was sitting two tables from me.

Suddenly I felt a finger on my neck and jumped like I never did my whole life.

“You’re a bit jumpy son” — it was my friend making one of his jokes. “You’re under surveillance; haven’t you noticed the intelligence guy behind you?”

“The one with the jeans and Ray-Bans?”

“Yeah.”

“What does he want?”

“Stay calm and look into my camera,” my guy said as he took my picture. Well, actually he took a picture of the intelligence officer, who left five minutes later. I have that picture here with me.

I then had to consider the best thing to do, because when an Argentine intelligence agent is on your tail, it’s never good news. He didn’t just want to have a coffee with me, that’s for sure.

Montevideo and Madrid

In any case, the decision came quick: I had to leave the country immediately. So I contacted one of my best friends, who got scared but understood the situation. We had to do it quickly, and I’m sure his efficiency saved my life. I will forever be grateful to him.

So I did it: I bought a ticket from Buenos Aires, to Montevideo, Uruguay, to Madrid to Tel Aviv.

I had to keep a low profile in order to get by the security forces. So I went back to the Retiro bus station — the scariest part of that long day. I was sure that if something happened, it would happen at the train station, a very dangerous place at night.

I had the feeling someone was after me and I’d get shot from some strange angle. But then I suspected my taxi driver even more. I figured he’d stray and take me off somewhere.

Meanwhile, text messages were sent to my two best colleagues, a friend and my mom. They were told where we would meet: Buenos Aires Airport. I couldn’t spend any time on the phone because I was being surveilled.

When my mother arrived she of course cried but remained calm. We discussed a few things and I told her to leave. Then my journalist friends came and we did an interview that has already hit Argentina’s top newspapers. I was flying back home, to Tel Aviv, as I always wanted to.

I have no idea when I’ll be back in Argentina; I don’t even know if I want to. What I do know is that the country where I was born is not the happy place my Jewish grandparents used to tell me stories about.

After I left Argentina I found out that the government was still publishing wrong information about me on social media. The Twitter feed of Casa Rosada, the Argentine presidential palace, posted the details of the airline ticket I had bought, and claimed that I intended to return to Argentina by February 2 — in other words, I hadn’t really fled the country. In fact, my return date is in December.

El periodista Damián Pachter viajó a Uruguay con pasaje de regreso para el 2 de febrero http://t.co/dUGwifa9AO pic.twitter.com/muWhkHEvfK

A tweet from the Presidential Palace showing Pachter’s flight itinerary.

Argentina has become a dark place led by a corrupt political system. I still haven’t figured out everything that has happened to me over the past 48 hours. I never imagined my return to Israel would be like this.

the ex-mossad spy, the prosecutor & the cover-up documents he received before his death | history, news & Argentina’s blind justice

A Mossad Agent, an International Hedge Fund and the Mysterious Death of an Argentinian Prosecutor

On Ilana Dayan’s Channel 12 program, a former Mossad member claims he handed an envelope to Alberto Nisman that might have gotten him killed

Alberto Nisman, the prosecutor investigating the 1994 bombing of the AMIA community center, talks to journalists in Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 29, 2013.
Alberto Nisman, the prosecutor investigating the 1994 bombing of the AMIA community center, talks to journalists in Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 29, 2013. Credit: Associated Press

Haaretz.com

Alberto Nisman, the prosecutor investigating the 1994 bombing of the AMIA community center, talks to journalists in Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 29, 2013. Credit: Associated Press
Hagai Amit     Published on 11.06.2020

The mysterious death of Argentinian federal prosecutor Alberto Nisman continues to confound. He was fatally shot in his apartment in January 2015, hours before he was set to present serious allegations in congress against then-President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.

But an interview with former Mossad member Uzi Shaya on Ilana Dayan’s Channel 12 program “Uvda” may shed new light on Nisman’s fate. Just a few days before Nisman’s death, Shaya says he handed the prosecutor an envelope containing documents allegedly incriminating the president in corruption.

Shaya says in the interview: “I brought a certain type of information to his attention, which could be what caused his death … material which apparently had to do with all sorts of monetary transfers by senior Argentinians that tie them to Iran.”

Uzi Shaya in 2007.Uzi Shaya in 2007.Credit: Nir Keidar

Dayan asks if the information pertains to bank accounts belonging to Kirchner and her son. Shaya answers in the affirmative. The end goal, he says was to put material incriminating Kirchner into his hands, “for him to have material incriminating their bank accounts – not only hers, but those of others as well.”

Nisman had accused Kirchner of covering up Iran’s alleged role in the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish center, which killed 85 people – the deadliest terrorist attack in Argentina’s history. Nisman had accused Kirchner, Foreign Minister Hector Timerman and others in her administration of sweeping Iran’s involvement under the rug in exchange for good deals on oil imports and other Iranian goods. Iran has denied involvement, and Kirchner has denied the accusations.

Open gallery view

Rescue workers search for survivors and victims in the rubble left after a powerful car bomb destroyed the Buenos Aires headquarters of the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA), killing 85 people, July 18, 1994.
Rescue workers search for survivors and victims in the rubble left after a powerful car bomb destroyed the Buenos Aires headquarters of the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA), killing 85 peopCredit: REUTERS

A deadly debt

Through his work with the Shin Bet and later the Mossad, Shaya had known Nisman since the early 2000’s. At the time, Nisman headed a team to investigate the AMIA bombing. Israeli intelligence services aided the investigation efforts, along with the FBI and CIA. Shaya says Israel provided Argentina at the time with information proving Iranian and Hezbollah involvement in that attack.

Shaya tells Dayan that he got back in touch with Nisman about two years before his death and provided him with material, this time on behalf of the American hedge fund Elliott Management.

Elliott Management is an activist hedge fund that seeks out opportunities the world over. In Israel, for example, it held 5 percent of Bezeq’s stock in 2018-2019. In the past, it purchased a hefty chunk of Germany’s ThyssenKrupp. In March, it purchased a significant chunk of stock in Twitter.

The giant fund waged a protracted legal battle to recover a debt in the billions of dollars from the government of Argentina. Kirchner objected to paying the debt, and even denounced Elliott Management as a “fund that devours carcasses,” which made her an obstacle to the corporation’s debt-recovery efforts.

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Shaya was not working directly for the fund, but for an American investigative firm that provided services to the fund’s owner, Jewish billionaire Paul Singer. Singer is one of the U.S. Republican Party’s biggest donors. He financed an association in Israel, Start-Up Nation Central (SNC) whose aim was to exhibit Israel to foreign investors and technology firms.

According to Shaya, the fund wanted to receive the payments that Argentina owed to it, and was attempting to pressure Kirchner to pay the debt through the materials gathered on her and her family members.

If Kirchner knew that Nisman was aware of the bank accounts that belonged to her, Dayan asks, she may have gotten the hint and repaid the debt? Shaya believes so.

Shaya notes that he never mentioned to Nisman that he was no longer working for the Mossad, but, he said, “he knew.” Shaya claims that the fund was unaware of his ties with Nisman, and that he approached him solely of his own accord.

Not worth dying for

In December 2014, Nisman went on vacation in Europe. The next month, Shaya set up a clandestine meeting with him in a European capital. The aim was to hand Nisman an envelope filled with documents that would appear to incriminate the Argentinian president and her family members for receiving millions of dollars from Iran, deposited in secret bank accounts in the Seychelles, Cayman Islands and Cyprus.

“There was a great deal of material,” Shaya says, “about Christina-Iran, private accounts, money that disappeared. Everything they could find on the president.”

Immediately after their meeting, Nisman surprisingly cut short his vacation and flew to Buenos Aires. On January 14, 2015 he lodged a formal complaint against the Argentinian president accusing her of a cover-up in the investigation into the AMIA attack.

On the night of January 18, a day before he was to present his findings against Kirchner before congress, the prosecutor’s body was found in his bathroom. He had been shot in the head with one bullet. The incriminating documents Shaya had given him were never found. “It was clear to me that he had been murdered,” Shaya tells Dayan.

“And of all the things you’ve done in your life, this somehow weighs on you?” Dayan asks.

Shaya says yes. “In the end it’s about business, not the state … its business… it’s not something that is worth dying for.”

If what Shaya says is true, he should find himself summoned to testify in the investigation of this unsolved murder. The key to it was supposed to have been in the documents he says he gave Nisman.

When asked by Uvda whether the fund had given Nisman, via Shaya, evidence against Kirchner at the time, and what those documents entailed, senior figures at the Elliott Management Corporation said they were not aware of the existence of any such documents, nor their handoff to an investigation firm, and from there to anyone else.

Ex-Mossad man reveals role in events that led to death of AMIA prosecutor Nisman

TV says it was Mossad that tied Iran to Buenos Aires Jewish HQ terror attack;

ex-agent says he gave Nisman material allegedly incriminating Kirchner in cover-up, with fatal result

 

File photos of Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (left), Buenos Aires, September 19, 2012, and of Argentina's deceased public prosecutor Alberto Nisman (right), Buenos Aires, May 20, 2009 (photo credit: Juan Mabromata/AFP)

File photos of Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (left), Buenos Aires, September 19, 2012, and of Argentina’s deceased public prosecutor Alberto Nisman (right), Buenos Aires, May 20, 2009 (photo credit: Juan Mabromata/AFP)

Israel’s Mossad provided the intelligence information that enabled Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman to prove that Iran orchestrated the 1994 AMIA terrorist bombing in Buenos Aires, in which 85 people were killed, an Israeli TV documentary claimed. And an ex-Mossad agent gave Nisman incriminating information on former Argentine president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner’s alleged efforts to cover up Iran’s role in the blast, in a sequence of events that ultimately led to Nisman’s assassination, the program also said.

The “Uvda” (Fact) documentary, broadcast Thursday night on Israel’s Channel 12, featured a lengthy interview with Uzi Shaya, a former Mossad agent who said he had extensive dealings with Nisman, and who acknowledged that documents he passed to Nisman, allegedly incriminating Kirchner, “may have caused his death.”

Argentine investigator Nisman identified the suicide bomber who blew up the AMIA Jewish center as Hezbollah operative Ibrahim Berro, and in a 2006 indictment traced the commissioning of the blast to a 1993 meeting of the Iranian leadership’s “Committee for Special Operations”; Iran was fuming at then-president Carlos Menem for halting cooperation with its nuclear program and for warming Argentina’s ties with Israel. Nisman’s allegations led to the issuing of international arrest warrants against some of the Iranians the following year for what remains the worst terror attack in Argentina’s history.

The “Uvda” report said it was the Mossad that identified the perpetrators and the orchestrators of the blast, and made the information available to Nisman.

In January 2015, Nisman was found dead in his Buenos Aires apartment, a day before he was due to testify to an Argentine congressional panel on then president Kirchner’s role in covering-up Iran’s responsibility for the attack. A government official initially asserted that Nisman’s death — by a single bullet to the head fired at close range — was suicide, but Argentina has subsequently acknowledged it was a homicide.

Kirchner, who has always denied any illegality regarding her handling of AMIA-related matters and her dealings with Iran, is today Argentina’s vice president.

In Thursday’s documentary, Shaya said that he gave Nisman an envelope of documents allegedly incriminating Kirchner — including documents showing transfers of millions of euros from a major Iranian bank to accounts held by her family members in Cyprus, the Seychelles and the Cayman Islands — 10 days before Nisman was assassinated. Those documents prompted Nisman to cut short his vacation in Spain with his 15-year-old daughter, hurry back to Buenos Aires, and arrange to testify against Kirchner in Congress.

Shaya — who said his Mossad work had included an operation in which over $600 million in investments held globally by senior figures in the Iranian-funded Hezbollah terrorist organization were “dried out” — said he maintained contact with Nisman after leaving the Israeli spy agency, when he went to work for a private investigative firm.

He reconnected with Nisman, the program said, when the firm he worked for was providing services to Paul Singer, an American Jewish billionaire who runs the Elliott Management hedge fund (and who set up the Tel Aviv-based Start-Up Nation Central non-profit that highlights Israeli innovation). The fund was owed billions of dollars by the Argentine government after it bought Argentine bonds and held out for full repayment. Shaya said he passed to Nisman “material intended to enrich his investigation” of Kirchner’s allegedly illicit dealings with Iran.

Shaya, who was not working directly for the fund, said it was not aware of his connections to Nisman, and that he chose to approach the prosecutor of his own volition. The thinking was that if Kirchner became aware that Nisman had this information about the bank accounts, Shaya intimated, she would be prompted to repay the debt to Singer’s fund.

Shaya said he met with Nisman four times, and gave the Argentine prosecutor incendiary but not conclusive material “that it was up to him to check” on Kirchner’s alleged corruption. He said Nisman knew that he was no longer working for the Mossad at the time.

The material that Shaya handed over in the lobby of a Spanish hotel in early January 2015, including documents showing the bank transfers, however, was more definitive, essentially “cornering” Kirchner, according to the documentary. “Nisman and me weren’t buddies,” Shaya said. “He received the envelope, said thank you. That was the end of the story as far as I was concerned.”

Nisman cut short his vacation and landed back in Argentina on Monday, January 12, and told friends, including via SMS messages, that he now had conclusive evidence of Kirchner’s corruption, that “the truth will come out,” that he was “going for broke” and that his case against her had “all happened faster than I thought.”

On Wednesday, January 14, Nisman filed an official complaint against Kirchner and other senior Argentine officials for allegedly covering up Iran’s role in the AMIA bombing. In radio and TV interviews, he alleged that Kirchner had cut an illicit deal with Iran to give it immunity. “If I have the evidence, I am obligated to present it,” he said.

Nisman spent the next few days preparing the material he had arranged to present to the Congressional committee, sending one friend a photograph of his desk, covered in papers, as he worked. On Saturday, January 17, Nisman, who said often during his years of investigating the AMIA blast and fallout that he was receiving death threats, asked his computer technician Diego Lagomarsino to come his apartment, and told Lagomarsino he was concerned about security. Specifically, Lagomarsino told “Uvda,” Nisman said he needed a gun “to protect his [two] daughters” and asked Lagomarsino if he had one.

Lagomarsino said yes, went home to fetch it, returned to Nisman’s apartment three hours later with it, and then went home again. Nisman was found dead hours later, on Sunday January 18. The fatal bullet was fired from Lagomarsino’s gun.

Kirchner (indirectly) and Lagomarsino (directly), “Uvda” noted, have both been suspected in the killing, which is still being investigated.

“It was clear to me that he was murdered,” Shaya said of Nisman. Asked whether he felt guilty about his role in the sequence of events, he stressed that Nisman was doggedly pursuing Kirchner long before he reconnected with the prosecutor, but also said, “You don’t know where your responsibility is… It’s possible… The conscience starts to work…”

His interviewer said, “You gave Nisman the material…,” and Shaya completed the sentence: “…that may have caused his death? Yes.”

Later in the interview, Shaya added: “It was business. It wasn’t worth dying for.”

In a response to the TV show, Elliott Management officials said they were unaware of any incriminatory documents against Kirchner, or that any such documents were passed to a private investigative firm and from there to someone else. They also stressed that Shaya never worked for Elliott Management, and that nobody who advised Elliott Management was asked by the fund to be in contact with Nisman.

In a studio discussion after the documentary, investigative journalist Ronen Bergman said Shaya “should have known how badly this could end,” and that if the ex-Mossad agent had this kind of incriminatory material concerning a major terrorist attack on a Jewish target, “he should have shared it” with the Israeli authorities.

In the course of the interview, “Uvda” presenter Ilana Dayan showed Shaya paperwork apparently related to the alleged transfer of Iranian funds to Kirchner. The ostensibly incriminatory documents given by Shaya to Nisman, however, “Uvda” noted, were not found in Nisman’s apartment when his body was discovered, and have never been seen since.

memorandum … o no memorandum ? | alertas rojas vigentes o no vigentes ?

Archivo 2013: Cristina Kirchner enviaba el Memorándum con Irán al Congreso

La ex presidenta Cristina Kirchner, a través de Cadena Nacional, anunciaba el 7 de febrero de 2013 el envío al Congreso del memorando de entendimiento bilateral firmado entre la Argentina e Irán para la investigación del atentado a la AMIA, causa por la que hoy fue procesada con prisión preventiva por el presunto encubrimiento de los iraníes.

Fragmento de “TN de 10 a 14” emitido el Miércoles 13 de Diciembre de 2017.
Adrián Ventura nos informa sobre el reconocimiento por parte de Irán del pacto negado por la ex presidente y senadora electa Cristina Kirchner.

Acuerdo con Irán, AMIA. Apertura 132º sesiones ordinarias Congreso 2014.

01 de Marzo de 2014, Buenos Aires: La Presidenta Cristina Fernández, puso de relieve la “incansable labor de la Cancillería en misiones comerciales”. Luego, abordó el tema del acuerdo con Irán para permitir la indagatoria de los imputados en la causa AMIA. “Fue pensado y ejecutado para destrabar una situación”, dijo, dado que sin indagatoria la causa no puede avanzar. No obstante, invitó a los legisladores a presentar proyectos alternativos que permitan las indagatorios. “Elaboren un proyecto viable, lógico, jurídicamente atados a las normas, en el marco el marco del Derecho Internacional y del debido proceso”, solicitó

novedades sobre UFI AMIA en enero 2019 | recuerdo de la apertura de congreso 2015

Casos AMIA y Embajada de Israel. Nisman. Apertura de Sesiones Ordinarias 2015.

La presidenta Cristina Fernádez de Kirchner solicitó “que no utilicen más la causa AMIA y pidan justicia en serio, que el Poder Judicial actúe en serio, porque lo que ha pasado es bochornoso”, al hablar en la apertura de sesiones ordinarias del Congreso de la Nación.

La jefa de Estado habló sobre los atentados a la AMIA y la Embajada de Israel, además de denunciar a (el ex juez federal Juan José) Galeano “pidiendo justicia. No hay ni un solo preso por AMIA. No necesito carteles. Yo puedo ir con carteles al frente de la AMIA para decirles también que un ex presidente de la DAIA, Rubén Beraja, es un encubridor y vaciador de bancos.

En ese contexto, la jefa de Estado denunció la utilización política de la causa AMIA donde hay 85 víctimas que piden justicia asquea, porque la utilizaron y la siguen utilizando desde afuera y desde adentro para hacer geopolítica.

Por último, la Presidenta se refirió al fallecido fiscal Alberto
Nisman: “Lamento su muerte como la de cualquier argentino, cualquier ser humano, pero también quiero decir que leí profundamente tanto la denuncia como la sentencia del juez (Daniel) Rafecas, que habla por sí sola”, dijo.”¿Con cuál Nisman me quedo? ¿Con el que me acusa de encubrimiento o con el que se dirige a mí reconociéndome todo lo que habÌamos hecho y dicho para que yo me presente ante el Consejo de Seguridad?”, se preguntó la jefa de Estado.

Siete fiscales, novedades y varias polémicas en la unidad AMIA

https://www.perfil.com/noticias/politica/nisman-siete-fiscales-novedades-y-varias-polemicas-en-la-unidad-amia.phtml

Aurelio Tomás

Redactor de Política de Diario Perfil. Mail: atomas@perfil.com

jueves 17 enero, 2019

En estos cuatro años se registraron varias novedades y nuevas polémicas emergieron en un caso que divide a asociaciones, familiares y amigos.

De izq. a der.: Roberto Salum, Sabrina Namer, Patricio Sabadini, Juan Murray, Leonardo Filippini, Santiago Eyherabide, Sebastián Basso. Foto: AFP – CEDOC.

ueves 17 enero, 2019 A pocos días de cumplirse el cuarto año de la muerte del fiscal Alberto Nisman, la Unidad Fiscal de Investigaciones (UFI) AMIA presenció un verdadero desfile de fiscales. Pese al ritmo del recambio y el tiempo transcurrido desde el ataque ocurrido el 18 de julio de 1994, en estos cuatro años se registraron varias novedades y nuevas polémicas emergieron en un caso que divide a asociaciones, familiares y amigos. Cuando se cumplía un mes de la aparición sin vida del fiscal, en coincidencia con la marcha que pedía el esclarecimiento de su muerte, cuatro nuevos representantes del Ministerio Público entraban por primera vez en su despacho, a metros del Cabildo. Sabrina Namer, Patricio Sabadini y Roberto Salum asumían el cargo de fiscales de la UFI AMIA. Juan Patricio Murray tomaba el puesto de coordinador.

El primero en dejar su lugar, apenas unos meses después, fue Sabadini. Según indican fuentes de la fiscalía, por diferencias personales antes que profesionales. Salum tenía previsto orientar su trabajo a la causa principal, mientras que Namer, que traía experiencia en juicios de lesa humanidad, avanzaría con el expediente de la denominada causa de encubrimiento, que iniciaría poco después el proceso de juicio oral. Pero, finalmente, las conexiones entre ese expediente y la causa principal llevaron a que las funciones fueran compartidas. En paralelo, Murray formó un equipo para relevar centenares de cajas con documentación en depósitos de la ex SIDE. Este equipo motivó una serie de disputas con el Gobierno cuando asumió Cambiemos, porque se amenazó con el recorte de presupuesto. Finalmente, hubo un acuerdo con el Ministerio de Justicia y el grupo continuó trabajando pero Murray dejó el cargo con la salida de Alejandra Gils Carbó de la Procuración, en octubre de 2017.

Unos meses antes, Namer dejaba su puesto para ocupar un lugar en el Tribunal Oral Federal (TOF) N° 8. Gils Carbó llegó a designar otros dos fiscales en la UFI, Leonardo Filippini, en marzo de 2016, y Santiago Eyherabide, en febrero de 2017. En el caso de este último, mantiene en paralelo sus responsabilidades como fiscal en Azul. Filippini, en cambio, se dedicó de lleno al caso pero el nuevo procurador lo trasladó a la Unidad de Apropiación de Niños este año. Así, la UFI quedaba hasta este fin de año con un fiscal a tiempo parcial y el único integrante del equipo original que seguía en el cargo, Salum. Pero este funcionario venía desde hace meses pidiendo su salida, según indicaron fuentes al tanto de las gestiones que realizó ante el procurador Eduardo Casal, por cuestiones personales. En su reemplazo llegará el actual fiscal federal de Morón Sebastián Basso, quien despierta rechazo en un sector de los familiares.

Desde la UFI se señala la identificación de la identidad de la víctima número 85, Augusto Daniel Jesús, a 22 años del atentado, como el logro más importante. También se destaca el trabajo de análisis genético realizado con ayuda del Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense. Este procedimiento permitió, junto al análisis de restos de la camioneta Trafic utilizada en el atentado, del material biológico recuperado de un depósito policial y de los videos de las autopsias, elaborar un informe pericial que confirma -según indican “con pruebas irrefutables”- que se utilizó ese vehículo en el ataque. De hecho, uno de los últimos escritos que se sumaron al enorme expediente

Otro punto que destacan es el descubrimiento del verdadero nombre del prófugo identificado hasta entonces como Samuel Salman El Reda. A partir de un trabajo de los fiscales de la UFI y de contactos con el Fiscal General del Líbano y autoridades de Colombia, donde también estuvo el sospechozo, se descubrió que el tiene otro nombre. Ya se libraron los correspondientes pedidos de captura internacionales. El individuo en cuestión, que se presume sería quién organizó el atentado y también es requerido en la causa por el atentado contra la Embajada de Israel en Buenos Aires. El individuo en cuestión vive aún en el Líbano y, a diferencia de los funcionarios iraníes, no tiene la protección de un Estado por lo que podría ser una pieza clave de una nueva novedad en la causa. (Fuente www.perfil.com).

https://www.perfil.com/noticias/politica/nisman-siete-fiscales-novedades-y-varias-polemicas-en-la-unidad-amia.phtml

marzo 2011 ya se rumoreaba un pacto secreto para olvidar | AMIA

El Gobierno negocia un pacto secreto con Irán para “olvidar” los atentados La iniciativa surgió a cambio de relanzar el intercambio comercial, que ya alcanza los U$S 1200 millones.

por Pepe Eliaschev                                                                                sábado 26 marzo, 2011

https://www.perfil.com/noticias/politica/el-gobierno-negocia-un-pacto-secreto-con-iran-para-olvidar-los-atentados-20110326-0004.phtml

Foto: Dyn

Más noticias de politica Las provincias avanzan hacia la fase 4 bajo un esquema de liberación gradual según su curva Kicillof prometió poner el eje en la producción “con precaución” El 55,8% apoya que se renegocie la deuda, y sigue la grieta por el aborto Fortalecido, Llaryora planea otra avanzada sobre el Suoem que baraja la vía judicial sábado 26 marzo, 2011 El gobierno de la presidenta Cristina Kirchner estaría dispuesto a suspender de hecho la investigación de los dos ataques terroristas que sufrió este país en 1992 y 1994, en los que fueron destruidas las sedes de la embajada de Israel y de la AMIA en Buenos Aires, según revela un documento hasta hora secreto, recientemente entregado por el ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de la República Islámica de Irán, Alí Akbar Salehi, al presidente Majmud Ajmadineyad.

Para la diplomacia de Irán, las investigaciones argentinas habrían quedado cerradas. El canciller iraní le asegura en su informe al presidente Ajmadineyad que “la Argentina ya no está más interesada en resolver aquellos dos atentados, pero que en cambio prefiere mejorar sus relaciones económicas con Irán”.

El informe secreto, al que ha accedido PERFIL porque ha comenzado a ser analizado en las cancillerías de varios países, fue redactado luego de la reunión que el canciller argentino, Héctor Timerman, mantuvo con su contraparte de Siria, Walid al-Mohalem, y con el propio presidente Bashar al-Assad el 23 y 24 de enero último en la ciudad siria de Alepo.

amia-pepe-eliaschev El artículo fue publicado el sábado 26 de marzo de 2011 del Diario PERFIL

Sugestivamente, Timerman se apartó de la delegación argentina que encabezó Cristina Kirchner en Kuwait, Qatar y Turquía, para conversar con el dictador sirio en una ciudad convenientemente ubicada a 400 kilómetros de la capital, Damasco. El cable de la agencia oficial de noticias siria dijo en ese momento que Timerman y Al-Assad abordaron el proceso de paz en Medio Oriente “paralizado a causa de las políticas israelíes y el fracaso que ha demostrado la administración estadounidense en presionar a Israel para que cumpla con la legalidad internacional”.

Conversaciones ocultas. La verdadera naturaleza de este encuentro no habría sido informada por Timerman a la comunidad judía argentina. Al Assad visitó oficialmente Buenos Aires en julio de 2010 y fue recibido calurosamente por la Presidenta, que en ningún momento reconoció que Siria es un régimen dictatorial de partido único, cuyo líder ocupa el cargo hace diez años como sucesor sanguíneo de su padre, Hafez al-Assad, y que ahora enfrenta varias protestas que son sangrientamente reprimidas. En la visita de Timerman, firmó además un acuerdo de intercambio entre la agencia Télam y la agencia oficial siria SANA. Irán mantiene desde hace largos años una influencia política y militar dominante y muy ostensible sobre Siria.

Resulta evidente que en el encuentro en Alepo podría haber servido para que Timerman diese la luz verde argentina de reconciliación con Irán por medio de los sirios. Siria, incluso, les advirtió a los argentinos que el canciller iraní Salehi estaría en ese país en ese mismo momento, algo que la cancillería argentina no objetó. Funcionarios argentinos e iraníes poco conocidos han estado conversando de manera discreta, según pudo saber PERFIL, en septiembre de 2010 y febrero de 2011.

Renunciamiento. Según las conclusiones de la inteligencia iraní, que hace suyas la cancillería de Teherán, el gobierno argentino habría renunciado a llevar ante la justicia al actual ministro de Defensa, Ahmad Vahidi, y otros funcionarios iraníes sospechados de complicidad en esos episodios terroristas.

La cancillería iraní considera que si estos temas son dejados de lado, ambos países pueden encarar una nueva etapa que permita superar dos décadas de frialdad total, lo que permitiría a Irán recuperar terreno en el desarrollo de unos vínculos que se han venido de todos modos fortaleciendo en los últimos años.

El informe secreto iraní, filtrado al exterior por medios opositores al régimen de Teherán, subraya el interés del régimen fundamentalista en la situación del ministro de defensa, Vahidi, un personaje clave en el esquema de poder, ya que era el comandante de la llamada Fuerza Quds de los Guardias Revolucionarios cuando la embajada israelí en la calle Arroyo de Buenos Aires fue demolida con un coche bomba en marzo de 1992. Siguió ostentando esa posición militar clave en julio de 1994, cuando el turno le tocó a la AMIA.

AMIA 01162019

Las propias investigaciones que se hicieron en la Argentina detectaron años después que Vahidi fue uno de los principales organizadores de estos ataques, de los que el gobierno iraní ha tratado de despegarlo hace ya años, pero sin éxito. En sus recomendaciones a Ajmadineyad, el canciller Salehi propone que lo autoricen a su contraparte argentina para solicitarle que revoque las órdenes de arresto que el Gobierno ha solicitado a Interpol contra Vahidi y otras figuras prominentes del régimen. El informe que ha trascendido sostiene que para la inteligencia iraní ya es un hecho que, incluso si una tercera parte demandara secretamente la extradición de Vahedi, la Argentina lo rechazaría. El ministro de Defensa incriminado ya puede viajar al exterior sin problemas, porque el asunto de los ataques contra la Argentina ha quedado muy olvidado a nivel mundial y a nadie le interesa mucho, ni siquiera a Interpol.

El blanqueo de Vahidi es un asunto delicado que sólo puede prosperar si la cuestión permanece en la oscuridad o se mantiene en silencio, dicen fuentes familiarizadas con estos sombríos espacios de marginalidad internacional.

En Teherán, lejos de toda ingenuidad, saben que el gobierno argentino jamás admitirá este retroceso en público y menos aún que ha cambiado de posición. Cuando Vahidi fue nombrado ministro en agosto de 2009, es cierto que el gobierno de Cristina Kirchner criticó abiertamente tal designación y por ende no sería astuto que ahora admita públicamente un giro de 180 grados. Pero en su propuesta a Ajmadineyad, el canciller iraní sostiene que su país tiene una oportunidad para explotar el hecho de que la opinión pública ya ni se acuerda de esos ataques de hace casi 20 años y que la coyuntura es ideal para relanzar un nuevo ciclo de amistad entre ambos gobiernos.

El gobierno iraní sostiene que aunque el comercio entre ambos países estuvo paralizado hasta hace pocos años, el último balance hecho en Teherán revelaría negocios anuales por un valor aproximado a los 1.200 millones de dólares. Se podría inferir que las expectativas de unos y otros sea la de multiplicar semejante intercambio comercial.

AMIA 01162019

En su ahora filtrado documento secreto a Ajmadineyad, el canciller Salehi elogia la estrategia –originalmente concebida por el llamado “Líder Supremo”, Alí Jamemei, y luego adoptada por el gobierno iraní– de no ceder a las acusaciones argentinas. Dice Salehi que fue un acierto no cooperar con la Justicia argentina durante esas investigaciones, que siempre terminaron abortadas.

Un poco de historia. Los seguidores del tema dicen recordar que luego de la sorprendente sentencia exculpatoria de la conexión local emitida por el Tribunal Oral Federal Número 3, el entonces canciller Rafael Bielsa habría admitido en privado la existencia de una política de acercamiento de la Casa Rosada con Irán. E, inclusive, habría dado a entender que había un intermediario trabajando secretamente para lograr el reconocimiento argentino al estado palestino, lo que finalmente anunció el actual canciller Timerman.

Todo parecería revelar una clara diferencia entre la postura pública de los Kirchner y su proclamado acercamiento a Israel y a la comunidad judía argentina, y las claras muestras de acercamiento a Irán, Siria y –en cierto modo– Libia, con cuyos regímenes el kirchnerismo tiende a sentirse más cercano.

En el acto del 17 de marzo, en recordación del 19º aniversario del atentado contra la embajada de Israel, los asistentes vieron a Timerman del brazo con Sergio Burstein, a quien invitó oficialmente a que participe de su próxima gira a Israel. Burstein no sólo no es formalmente dirigente de la comunidad judía, sino que sus vínculos con los Kirchner no son un misterio para nadie.

Pero ahora el delicado problema que confrontaría la Casa Rosada es que Timerman está en vísperas de un viaje a Israel y Cristina Kirchner siempre se ha preocupado por mostrar una imagen pública de simpatía y comprensión para con la comunidad judía argentina.

(Fuente www.perfil.com).

source:   https://www.perfil.com/noticias/politica/el-gobierno-negocia-un-pacto-secreto-con-iran-para-olvidar-los-atentados-20110326-0004.phtml

 

Argentina: Nisman’s suicide or murder ?

Wyre Davies investigates the mysterious death of Alberto Nisman, the special prosecutor who had accused Argentina’s government of trying to cover up the deadliest terror attack in the country’s history. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets of Buenos Aires, demanding to know how and why he died.

The issue is dominating President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner’s final year in office. Nisman was found dead, with a gun by his body, the night before he was due to testify about the alleged cover-up in Congress. Was it suicide or was it murder?